Gingrich
says, bluntly, "The nation's intelligence system is broken,
and we cannot rest until we fix it." He suggests measures
that reward intelligence success and penalize failure. Given Washington's
bureaucratic and political impediments -- turf wars, ego-crats,
electioneering, etc. -- merely reorganizing intelligence agencies
and creating a new intel czar doesn't solve fundamental problems.
The latest
czar is the new director of national intelligence (DNI), Ambassador
John Negroponte. Gingrich thinks the DNI is a good start, but
"at its core, intelligence reform has to be centered on performance,
and only then can we deal with organizational structures."
Gingrich
is reinforcing former CIA Director James Schlesinger's October
2003 observation that "major organizational change (in the
intel community) is not the salvation. I would submit the real
challenge lies in recruiting, fostering, training and motivating
people with insight."
Gingrich
identifies five "themes" for intelligence reform:
-- America's
current "global responsibilities" are more complex than
during the Cold War.
-- America's
current national security challenges are more difficult than those
confronted during the Cold War.
-- Intelligence
is "grotesquely under-sourced" based on what "leaders
claim they want" it to achieve.
-- Intelligence
needs a measurable system of accountability.
-- Congress
must also evolve institutionally to deal with new strategic and
intelligence complexities.
Theme 5
fingers one of the chief but slipperiest of culprits: Washington
leadership. Gingrich mentions the usual nostrums of effective
oversight and better leadership, and congressional finagling that
has hindered intelligence operations: "Many of today's intelligence
problems are a direct function of past congressional assaults
on the process of intelligence, starvation of the community, micromanagement
of operations and establishing of legalistic standards which cannot
be employed in a genuine clandestine service."
This isn't
news -- it is a hard, uncomfortable truth.
Gingrich
then makes what I believe is his most important recommendation,
though it's one I suspect will attract little attention: Political
leaders must become "more sophisticated consumers of intelligence."
How do we do this? Gingrich says leaders must "participate
in war-gaming, metrics assessment and academic training to an
unprecedented extent."
Intelligence-gathering
is tough enough, but producing useful, useable intelligence is
an art. It seems very few leaders understand that. Intelligence
is a grand exercise in data interpretation, pattern recognition
and intuition, requiring expertise in linguistics, geography,
mathematics, history, theology, psychology, physics, metaphysics,
and every other human means of analysis and explanation. Moreover,
the intelligence "jigsaw puzzle" is a dynamic, shifting,
changing puzzle. It takes vision to "put the puzzle together,"
which is what former Schlesinger meant when he said the American
intelligence community needs people with "insight."
Unfortunately,
government bureaucracies are tough on artists and visionaries.
Political infighters and insiders tend to dominate the process.
Gingrich bets that war-gaming and education will give political
leaders a way to identify the artists and visionaries.
In January
2001 -- nine months before 9-11 -- I wrote a column discussing
America's intelligence vulnerabilities. Here's a quote from that
column: